|Object Name||LETTER, COPY|
|Collection||CONFEDERATE MILITARY LEADERS COLLECTION|
|Date||January 11, 1865|
|Scope & Content||
"Robert E. Lee to Honorable Andrew Hunter, January 11, 1865"
Physical Appearance: The letter is an official copy of the five-page original from Lee to the Hon. Andrew Hunter, dated January 11, 1865. Lee explains his feelings toward emancipation and employment of Negroes as soldiers in the Confederacy.
Transcribed as follows:
"Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia,
January 11, 1865.
Hon. Andrew Hunter,
Dear Sir: I have received your letter of teh 7th instant and without confining myself to the order of your interrogatories, will endeavor to answer them by a statement of my views of the subject. I shall be most happy if I can Contribute to the solution of a question in which I feel an interest commensurate with my desire for the welfare and happinss of our people.
Considering the relation of master and slave, controlled by humane laws and influenced by Christianity and an enlightened public sentiment, as the best that can exist between the white and black races while intermingledas at present in this country, I would deprecate any sudden disturbance of that relation unless in be necessary to avert a greater calamity to both. I should therefore prefer to rely upon out whire population to preserve the ratio between our forces and those of the enemy, which experience has shown to be safe. But in view of the preperations of our enemies, it is our duty to provide for continued war andn not for a battle or a campaign, and I fear that we cannot accomplish this without overtaxing the capacity of our white population.
Should the war continue under existing circumstances, the enemy may in course of time penetrate our country and get access to a large part of our negro population. It is his avowed policy to convert the able-bodied men among them into soldiers, and to emancipate all. The success of the Federal arms in the South was followed by a proclomation of Presidennt Lincoln for 280,000 men, the effect of which will be to stimulate the Northern States to procure as substitutes for their own people the nefroes thus brought within their reach. Many have already been obtained in Virginia, and should the fortune of war expose more of her territory, the enemy would gain a large accession of to his strength. His progress will thus add to his numbers, and at the same time destroy slavery in a manner most pernicious to the welfate of our people. Their negroes will be used to to hold them in subjection, leaving the remaining force of the enemy free to extend his conquest. Whatever may be the effect of our employing negro troops, it cannot be as mischievous as this. If it end in subverting slavery it will be accomplished by ourselves, and we can devise the means of alleviating the evil consequences to both races. I think, therefore, we must decide whether slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves be used against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the effects which may be produced upon our social institutions. My own opinioin is that we should employ them without delay. I believe that with proper regulations they can be made efficient soldiers. They possess the physical qualifications in an eminent defree. Long habits of ovedience and subordination, coupled with the moral influence which in our country the white man possesses over the black, furnish an excellent foundation for discipline which is the best guaranty of military efficiency. Our chief aim shold be to secure their fidelity.
They have been formidable armies composed of men having no interest in the cause for which they fought beyond their pay or the hope of plunder. But it is certain that the surest foundation upon which the fidelity of an army can rest, especially in a service which imposes peculiar hardships and privations, is the personal interest of the soldier in the issue of the contest. Such an interest we can give our negroes by giving them immediate freedom to all who enlist, and freedom at the end of the war to the families of those discharge their duties faithfully (whether they survive or not), together with the privlilege of residing at the South. To this might be addes a bounty for faithful service.
We should not expect slaves to fight for prospective freedom when they can secure it at once by going to the enemy, in whose service they will incur no greater risk than in ours. The reasons the induce me to recommend the employment of negro troops at all render the effect of the measures I have suggested upon slavery immaterial, and in my opinion the best means of securing the measure with a well-digested plan of gradual and general emancipation. As that will be the result of the continuance of the war, and will certainly occur if the enemy succeed, it seems to me the most advisable to adopt it at once, and thereby obtainall the benefits that will accrue to our cause."
The employment of negro troops under regulations similar in principle to those above indicated would, in my opinioin, greatly increase our military strength and enable us to relieve our white population to some extent. I think we could dispense with the reserve forces except in cases of necessity.
It would dissapoint the hopes which our enemies base upon our exhaustion, deprive them in a great measure of the aid they now derive from black troops, and thus throw the burden of the war upon their own people. In addition to the great political advantages that would result to our cause from teh adoption of a system of emancipation, it would exerces a salutary influence upon our whole negro population, by rendering more secure the fidelity of those who become soldiers, and diminishing the inducements to the rest to abscond.
I can only say in conclusion that whatever the measures are to be adopted should be adopted at once. Every day's delay increases the difficulty. much time will be required to organize and discipline the men, and action may be deferred until it is too late.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
|Creator||Lee, Robert E., Gen.|
Lee, Robert E.